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(page 245 thru 280)
Friends, and Fellow Citizens,
I am very sensible that the discerning eye
will discover many defects in the foregoing statement,
but they are errors of the head, not of the heart.
There is not a circumstance intentionally misrepresented,
nor a sentiment expressed, which is not the result of conviction.
I am aware that some from policy, and others from sentiment,
will be disposed to treat these apprehensions as chimerical;
but to me they are real.
In my view, alarming dangers hang over my country,
and even now the lurking foe is preparing an explosion,
which, unless prevented, will level her rising glories with the dust.
Possessing these sentiments, neither duty nor patriotism
would suffer me to decline a service, however ungrateful,
which afforded some prospect of aiding a cause
to which I feel mysel connected
by the strongest ties of affection.
Your country, is my country;
here I have a family, dear to me, and friends,
whose fortune, with my own, is connected with that of America.
Can I then see her dangers, and be silent?
Warmly has my heart entered into the pleasing prospects
which have dawned upon the land of my nativity,
nor will I yet despair of her salvation, confiding in that helping hand,
which has been her guide in darkness, and her shield in danger.
Numerous and powerful still are her friends,
could they be roused to exertion;
and exertion there must be, or our ruin is inevitable.
If propitious heaven has decreed salvation for our country,
means will be found to dispel the fascinating charm
which is now drawing her into the ravenous jaws of her devourer.
She will be enabled to to distinguish real from pretended friends.
While we are supine and indolent, resting in the goodness of our cause,
and fondly hearkening to those who cry peace and safety,
the enemies of our peace, of our independence, of our religion,
are alert and restless.
It is painful and alarming to hear worthy citizens
applauding themselves for the sagacious discovery,
that the commotions of the day are merely agitations
excited by contending candidates;
that we are all aiming, in different ways, at the same object;
"that we are all federalists, all republicans."
These sentiments, industriously propagated
by those who wish to lull us into security,
unfortunately accord with that love of ease,
so unhappily prevalent in our most important concerns.
Under a like paralytic stupor,
the effect of French intrigue, and modern illumination,
the Helvetic republic fell a prey to her treacherous invaders.
"The inhabitants seemed fearful of being roused from their indifference,
and were offended at predictions meant to put them on their guard.
Woe to him who disturbed the general quiet
by peevish reasoning on the future,
and on the danger of connections
in which they were sinking deeper and deeper!
The majority of the Swiss
were like those patients who are angry with the physician
for describing their disorder to them." *
* Mallet Du Pan's Destruction of the Helvetic Republic, Boston edit. 1799. p. 108.
A book that ought now to be read by every American.
"We come among you as friends. We are your brothers.
Do not be afraid of any ill treatment.
Property and persons shall be protected,
as much as the enemies of liberty shall be made to suffer." *
* Ibid. p. 256
This was the language of Mengaud,,
commissioner of the Executive Directory, in his proclamation,
prefaced with "Peace and safety to all his friends."
The too credulous Swiss greedily drank the luscious poison;
they believed that the Directory were, what they pretended to be,
friends to freedom, and the rights of man.
They even banished their faithful monitor,
when he endeavored to awaken them to a sense of their danger.
But "imprisonments, insults, rapes, requisitions, and rapine of all kinds,
signalized the arrival of these strangers,
whom Mengaud had but just announced to their victims
as brothers and friends." *
* Mallet Du Pan's Destruction of Helvetic Republic, p. 147.
Confide not, my countrymen,
in an imaginary power to resist the subtle invaders,
when once they have bound your hands with invisible bands.
Your enemies themselves have forewarned you,
"that an army of principles will prevail,
where an army of soldiers cannot." *
* Thomas Paine
When they have sufficiently corrupted your morals,
philosophized your religion,
overturned your ancient establishments,
and disseminated their disorganizing principles among you,
then will they rise upon their prey,
and add America to the list of "fleeced" republics.
Mallet Du Pan, describing the situation of Switzerland,
previous to the late revolution there, observes,
"There was no state in Europe so secure
from the contagion of French principles;
every thing was an antidote to this pestilence:
The slow and phlematic character of the inhabitants,
their rooted and powerful habits,
the experience of a government adapted to their dispositions;
and, in fine, the soundness of their judgments,
which guarded them against the seductions of the pen, and of the tongue."
If such examples will not teach, nor such warnings alarm us,
our ruin is not far distant.
It is a false and dangerous sentiment that
"monarchies alone have cause to dread
the revolutionizing spirit of the times;"
for it is obvious that republics are the theatres
on which political mountebanks most successfully
exhibit their disorganizing feats.
Where, as in such governments, popular elections are frequent,
and the poison which infects a distant member,
is instantly conveyed to the vitals.
When an individual is gained,
a lodgement is made in the government,
of which that individual forms a part,
either in person, or by his agent;
and his influence is instantaneously felt.
In monarchiacal governments it is very different.
The disease, which there pervades the external parts,
but very remotely affects the vital, active powers of government.
How feeble the impression
which France was able to make upon England,
compared with the shock which the republics of Europe
received from her revolutionary agents?
The combination of United Irishmen,
and similar societies in England and Scotland,
produced no visible alteration in the British government;
but had it been similar to the American,
a complete revolution must have been the consequence.
The same cause which renders republics more accessible to these evils,
proportionably prevents their suppression;
for those dangerous persons form directly or indirectly,
that very power on which society depends to expel the foe;
and hence, the government, in this respect, is reduced to a nulity.
Nor is a large number of conspirators necessary
to raise obstructions and impede the government;
for in every society these persons find many natural allies,
ever ready to join their forces.
Such are disappointed candidates,
who are commonly willing rather to impede and perplex,
than to assist their more successful competitors;
such are those, and they are not a small party,
who, from a natural jealousy of their rulers,
are prepared to credit every unfavorable intimation concerning them,
however improbable or absurd.
Such, in fine, are those selfish beings,
whom no considerations of public good
will induce to act with any vigor:
These, if they do not appear in direct opposition to government,
are so many clogs and impediments to its vigilance and activity.
These plain observations are introduced to awaken you, my countrymen,
to that virtuous watchfulness and firmness,
necessary to preserve a free government,
and to put you upon your guard
against the disorganizing arts of those, who,
under whatever pretext,
are endeavoring to overturn the systems and establishments
which experience has taught you are useful.
Do you ask, what is to be done?
As uncommon abilities and penetration
are less useful in a search after happiness,
than upright intentions and an honest heart,
I shall attempt an answer to the suggested inquiry.
The ingredients of mental and social happiness,
like the necessaries of life,
consist in simples, and are easily obtained.
When the theorizing geniuses of the day
have invented a better medium of respiration than the vital air,
or a bodily aliment preferable to that which nature provides,
then will they merit a hearing,
while they promise us a Utopia in the regions of infidelity,
and quiet repose on the billows of a revolution.
But if you wish for that kind of order and quietness,
for which our favored land has been distinguished,
the following directions point out a plain and safe path.
1.
Attend to the education of your children,
and let it be your principal care to impress their minds
with religious and moral truth.
Much has been said,
and much more might be pertinently said,
upon the importance of education.
The youthful mind is a field prepared
for the reception of precious feed;
but if neglected,
will soon be overspread with every poisonous growth.
I am convinced that faithful endeavors
to instil the principles of virtue and religion into the minds of youth,
is attended with a much greater probability of success
than is usually imagined.
It is undeniable, that early impressions,
which have appeared to be entirely erased
by the influence of strong passions and peculiar temptations,
have survived the shock, and produced the happiest effects.
Even where this is not attained,
early habits of regularity, decency, and industry,
are not of small importance in society,
nor are they easily lost.
The impressions made by such an education
have evidently had a great effect in preventing the influence
of the disorganizing principles of the day, in the New England states.
A religious education was formerly reprobated by infidels,
under the pretence that it gave a bias to the mind
before the judgment was matured;
but they themselves have removed this objection;
they are not ashamed to make it a maxim in their code,
to seize the young, untutored mind,
and infuse into the unsuspecting heart the poison of atheism.
Learn from your enemies
the importance of early impressions,
and while they are attempting to disseminate the seeds of infidelity,
let it be your watchful care
to introduce the vigorous plants of piety and virtue.
Furnish their minds with useful knowledge;
teach them the true dignity of man;
read to them the lessons of experience,
habituate them to self government,
the regulation of their passions,
and a ready submission to needful restraints.
Attend to their books,
and exclude the numerous publications
which are either secretly, or avowedly,
designed to propagate the immoral and irreligious spirit of the times;
or, if this is not practicable,
let them not be without the antidote
furnished in many late able replies
to the pleas of infidelity.
We deny our profession as Christians,
if it is not our first concern, in the education of our children,
to impress their minds with the fear of God;
to establish them in the principles of natural and revealed religion,
and the evidences of the Christian faith.
The task of forming the youthful mind,
at all times one of the most important duties in society,
acquires, in present circumstances,
an increased demand on our attention.
Religion, society, parental affection, unite in the demand.
It would be happy, if present dangers
should prove the means of awakening
the attention of the Christian world,
to a subject so deplorably neglected.
It is fervently to be hoped, in particular,
that our Colleges, and other literary institutions,
will be preserved from contamination.
These are principal objects
in the view of the modern enemies of mankind.
In observing the weaknesses of human nature,
they have discovered, that a youth of genius,
thirsting for literary fame,
whose education was unfinished,
and his judgment immatured,
was precisely in a situation to be impressed
with the fascinating charms of Illuminism,
and prepared to exchange his understanding and conscience,
for the flattering title of a philosopher.
Much depends, at this day,
upon the guardians of our public seminaries,
and much we expect from their fidelity and zeal,
in preserving these public fountains from impurities.
2.
Support those institutions of your ancestors,
which you have seen crowned with peace, glory, and happiness.
When will mankind receive the instruction
so forcibly impressed by universal history,
by daily observation, and the word of God,
that "Righteousness alone exalteth a nation?"
That rank atheism is destructive to society,
receives a ready assent from those
who appear insensible of what is equally true,
that a departure from the habits and principles
of strict virtue and religion,
is an approximation to atheism,
and a departure from the only solid foundation
of social order and peace.
They forget that it is religion,
not in theory, but in practice,
which constitutes the happiness of an individual,
and of a nation.
Men who derive their importance from showy accomplishments,
and the gewgaws of life,
look with contempt upon the simple manners
of our venerable ancestors;
but whatever advancements we have made
in useful discoveries and the elegant arts of life,
justice requires that we ascribe to their virtues
our most precious blessings.
In a strict attention to family government,
in early habits of industry,
in a sincerity, simplicity and temperance of manners,
and in the civil, literary, and religious establishments of our country,
they laid the foundations of what remains
of glory and strength in the American edifice.
We do not ascribe to them perfection.
Human nature will be attended with the characteristics of weakness.
In them, a zeal for the truth
degenerated into a degree of intolerance;
but have not we rushed with violence
into the opposite and more dangerous extreme?
The narrow path of virtue
is stretched to an almost unbounded width;
and in these days of catholicism,
the idea that infidelity disqualifies for public offices,
or even for future happiness,
is condemned as a species of bigotry.
It is easy to perceive that such a relaxation
of moral and religious principles is,
in its effects, a near approach to atheism.
The checks necessary to restrain
the strong corruptions of the heart are taken away,
and these corruptions, as they gain strength,
gradually undermine, and, in their progress,
will demolish the strongest bulwarks of society.
When an individual looses his habits of industry,
acquires a relish for expensive living,
and seeks in scenes of dissipation that satisfaction
which he no longer finds in the sober pleasures of life,
we foresee his ruin, and withdraw our confidence;
and can a society composed of such individuals,
be long prosperous and happy?
No; the ruin is more inevitable in the latter case,
than in the former;
for a profligate individual may be controlled,
perhaps reformed, by his sober neighbors,
but when vicious manners become prevalent in society,
a current is opened which defies all restraint,
and carries along with it,
many who nobly attempt to resist its impulse.
I am painfully conscious that the puritanic simplicity of our ancestors,
will rather excite a sneer of contempt,
than a desire of imitation in this self-important age.
Enjoying the full tide of prosperity, moderation, temperance,
and the restraints of religion, are unwelcome themes:
But this, my countrymen, is the alternative
established in the high unalterable decrees of Heaven,
if we participate the vices
which have wrought the ruin of other nations,
we must also partake of their plagues!
It will doubtless be understood that these observations
are not designed to recommend
any particular uncouthness of manners,
which the customs of the age,
or their peculiar circumstances produced.
The value of a gem is not diminished by a polished surface.
What principally demands our attention and imitation
in our worthy progenitors is, their love of religion,
and their strict practical regard to its duties,
producing undisguised sincerity, and genuine patriotism.
Religion gave direction, vigor, and activity to all their measures.
Religion first generated, and that alone can preserve,
the glory of America.
Guard this treasure with peculiar care.
Here let it be remembered,
the efforts of your enemies are secretly, but powerfully directed;
and never will they feel their victory complete
until, as they themselves express their hope,
"Christianity is thrown into the back ground."
To this object they are equally prompted
by their enmity to the holy nature of this religion,
and by a desire to extend their influence over the mind;
for they cannot be insensible,
that while virtue exists in the world,
their system must meet opposition.
But what are the considerations by which these men
would induce us to renounce a religion,
of the authenticity and benign influence of which,
we have such convincing proofs?
Modern infidels appear to have placed their principal dependance
on the articles, priestcraft and prejudice.
Under the first,
they paint, in glowing colors,
the pride, ambition, and oppressions of the papal heirarchy,
and of the higher orders in other religious establishments.
That the emoluments, injudiciously annexed
to the clerical office in many parts of Europe,
should induce men, destitute of religion,
to assume the sacerdotal character,
is perfectly agreeable to the known principles of human nature;
and that such men, when in office,
should disregard their solemn engagements, is very probable;
but the conclusion these modern reasoners deduce from these premises,
viz. That the Christian religion is a system of priestcraft, is not so clear.
If, by ascribing religion to priestcraft they mean,
that these wicked priests invented the religion taught in the gospel,
the absurdity of the idea, must be apparent
to every person acquainted with its holy, humble doctrines.
It could not be craft, but the highest degree of stupidity,
in such men to invent a religion, which,
in the strongest terms, condemns their ambition,
and holds them up to mankind as imposters.
If they mean, that the misconduct of some of its ministers and professors
proves that Christianity is a fable,
the inference is equally erroneous;
for is it evident, that if revelation be true,
hypocrisy would have had no existence,
or that ambitious men would not make religion
a stepping stone to preferment?
Yet until it shall be proved
that wicked men would not thus pervert a true religion,
this perversion of Christianity,
is no argument against its divinity.
Is gold less valuable because it has been counterfeited;
or, because Thomas Paine pretends to reason,
is reason a useless faculty?
If your bibles countenance hypocrisy, pride, and oppression,
they are unworthy your regard;
but while they inculcate nothing but what is virtuous and praise worthy,
bind them to your hearts,
faithfully follow the directions they give,
and they will lead you to safety and happiness.
Another instance of modern sophistry is,
to resolve religion into prejudice,
and constantly use these terms as synonomous.
This is a most popular stroke.
It is infallible with men of weak minds,
who would be thought philosophers.
The very sound of vulgar prejudices
frightens them out of that pittance of judgment
which was theirs by original inheritance.
But is this a fact, that mankind are biased in favor of doctrines
which stand opposed to all the strong, leading passions of the heart?
Universal observation teaches,
that we are apt to be prepossessed in favor of what we wish to be true;
but the modern doctrine of prejudices,
contradicts this observation:
it represents mankind as unaccountably disposed to believe,
in opposition to the dictates of reason,
and the impulse of inclination.
That Voltaire, after writing forty volumes against Christianity,
and spending seventy years in attempting to "crush the wretch,"
should be tormented by prejudices in favor of religion,
may appear credible to those who "believe in all unbelief;"
but in this, and many similar instances,
every unbiased mind will see a superior power
impressing the soul with an irresistible consciousness of Almighty justice.
Not the arguments in support of Christianity,
but those of an opposite nature
owe their influence to the power of prejudice.
These deceivers are not unmindful
of the opposition of the heart to the restraints of religion.
On this principle, corruption of morals
becomes an important part of their system.
They studiously endeavor to inflame the passions of men,
that the obligations of duty may become more irksome;
and that the cause they wish to support,
may find a more powerful advocate in the heart.
Infidelity owes its strength, not to argument, but to feeling.
An hundredth part of the evidence which has been produced
in support of the truth of Christianity,
would determine every person's judgment,
in all cases, where the inclinations had no influence.
My countrymen, suffer not the arts of sophistry, or your own passions,
to rob you of that benign religion which was so dear to your ancestors,
which supported them under their trials,
rendered their names precious to posterity,
and originated establishments so happy in their effects.
3.
Consider the importance of having your public offices
filled with men of virtue and religion.
This is indeed included in the example of your ancestors;
for they had the wisdom to discern,
that none but those who were friends to religion,
were friends to society;
but the present alarming inattention to this subject,
recommends it to more particular notice.
Are magistrates the ministers of God,
and the representatives of the Supreme Ruler?
Thus, Christians are taught to consider them.
When, therefore, a nation, nominally Christian,
elect to these offices, men avowedly, or practically
opposed to the Christian religion,
is it not a public affront to the righteous Ruler of the universe?
However casuists may determine this question,
the aspect, which the election of such men has
upon the interest of society,
is in every respect highly unfavorable.
A person of this description, may faithfully serve his country,
or he may betray, or he may enslave it;
what course he will take, depends merely on circumstances.
A regard to reputation, and what is called principles of honor,
which might have an influence in smaller concerns,
cease to operate when the high objects of ambition are presented to the mind.
When a man of ambition
comes within the reach of supreme power,
its attraction overcomes the influence of those weaker motives
which, for a time, held him within the sphere of duty.
In these circumstances men of principle only,
such as was the Jewish Moses, and the American Washington, and Adams,
will remain in their proper orbit,
superior to all attraction, but that of their country's good.
To pretend that a man distitute of the principles of religion,
will be as likely to be faithful to the interests of his constituents,
as one of an opposite character,
is to deny that religion tends to the good of society.
But have the oaths of office,
a belief of the being and perfections of God,
and of a future state of rewards and punishments,
no influence to excite men to fidelity?
We know they are nothing to him who believes,
"that death is an everlasting sleep,"
but they cannot fail to operate on every mind
which is not past feeling.
It is futile to attempt to justify an inattention
to the characters of those we elect to office,
by pretending, that to serve the purposes of ambition,
men may assume a character which does not belong to them.
It is not easy for those who are objects of public notice,
to conceal, for a long period, their ruling passion;
and were suitable caution used,
it is not probable that a deception would frequently take place.
In any event, this cannot justify inattention to the subject.
Shall we, with our eyes open,
trust our dearest interests with a knave,
because it is possible we may be deceived
in the man we believe to be honest?
Our utmost care to preserve our dwellings may prove ineffectual,
but shall we therefore put fire to them?
When due care is taken
to elect men of good principles to public offices,
even if the electors are deceived in the man of their choice,
the object is not wholly lost.
The character of the Supreme Ruler is duly respected;
the public suffrage is on the side of virtue,
and virtuous men are countenanced;
wickedness suffers a public frown, and the person elected,
perceiving that he owed his advancement to a virtuous character,
will be more careful to support such a character;
and temptations to neglect, or betray his trust,
will have less effect upon him;
but when infidelity is no bar to promotion,
or when virtue and religion are considered
as of no importance in a public character,
these restraints are removed,
and every temptation operates with full force.
When men, destitute of the principles of religion,
are raised to important public offices,
the effect must be extremely pernicious,
as it respects the interests of religion in society.
You are not now to learn what influence examples,
and especially the examples of the great,
have on the general state of manners and society.
The temper of such men will influence their manners.
However they may adopt some of the forms of piety,
from a regard to appearances,
their immoral and Anti-Christian feelings,
will give a complexion to their whole deportment.
I do not hestitate to say,
that the man, with whom these considerations have no weight,
is a stranger to the nature, excellence, and importance of Christianity,
and has the heart of an infidel.
You will not, my countrymen,
unless you are fatally blinded to your own interests,
suffer the glare of abilities,
or the impulse of a party spirit,
to allure you to commit the interests of your country to men,
who are enemies to those principles
which form the pillars of society.
Our inattention to the choice of public officers is highly criminal.
Many entirely neglect the right of suffrage,
while others bring forward the name which chance,
or some one more designing than themselves,
present to them.
What should we say of a ruler
who should make choice of his principal officers
in the same careless and capricious manner?
Neither an individual, nor a multitude,
ought to have the disposal of the affairs of a nation,
who is not more attentive to its interests.
Greater electioneering zeal is not, indeed, necessary
than appears in some parts of our country;
but it is fervently to be wished,
that this zeal were less under the impulse of party spirit,
and that calm, dispassionate citizens
would make it a more serious object to discover,
and introduce into public offices,
characters, whose election might promise prosperity to their country.
4th.
Beware of men, who seek to rob you of your liberties and religion,
by flattering your passions,
and by a pretended concern for your interests.
This is not a new mode of deception,
but, in common with other modes,
has undergone a modern refinement.
Marat, the greatest incendiary in France,
Dr. Moore observes,
"addressed the mob in the style of a lover to his mistress;
and the motto of a Journal, which he published,
was "Ut redeat miseris, abeat fortuna superbis,"
that is, "Take the money from the rich,
that it may be restored to the poor."
As a guard against the influence of ambitious, popular men,
the Athenians provided the sentence of ostracism.
Each citizen was required to write on a bone
the name of the person, in his estimation, the most popular;
and he whose name was found on the greatest number of bones,
was banishd from the Commonwealth,
under the idea, that he had acquired an influence
dangerous to the republic.
However absurd in itself, and cruel in its operation, this practice was,
it discovered a due sense of the danger arising, in a free government,
from the ascendency ambitious men may acquire,
by flattering the populace,
and gaining the direction of their passions.
While there are corrupt, ambitious men,
this kind of influence will exist,
and will be principally found in those governments
where its operation is most pernicious.
Not, however, in ostracism, but in virtuous habits,
and a watchful attention to the interests of the public,
shall we find our safety from the arts of these insidious foes.
To confound the reputation
which is the result of faithful services,
and approved merit, with the popularity of an imposter,
is as injurious to the public, as to individuals.
The former is as beneficial, as the latter is destruction.
A small degree of discernment, duly exercised,
is generally sufficient to detect the insincerity
of those who flatter but to destroy.
If I may be indulged a quotation so unfashionable,
I would say, that St. Paul has accurately described these deceivers;
"They zealously affect you," says he,
"but not well;
yea, they would exclude you,
that ye might affect them."
The man who lives only for himself,
while he pretends a deep concern for the interests of society;
the fomenter of factions;
the seeker of offices;
the corrupter of morals;
the avowed enemy of Christianity;
the man who endeavors to irritate your mind,
by representing necessary public expenses,
as an act of oppression,
and those restraints which the order of society requires,
as tyrannical;
in fine, he who addresses your passions,
rather than your understandings,
such men bear the genuine characteristics of impostors;
and are either the deluded agents of a party,
or have themselves designs which they wish to conceal,
while they proclaim themselves the advocates of the rights of man.
5th.
Attend to the sources from which you derive your political information.
The disorganizers of Europe were not unmindful
of the advantage to be derived to their cause
from having public presses, and periodical publications, under their direction.
There, however, a degree of caution was necessary,
and an apprehension of consequences
gave a check to the licentiousness of the press;
but in the United States,
this medium of imposition is, in a great measure, unembarrassed;
and demands very serious attention.
Excepting the salutary restraints imposed by the Sedition Bill,
those who were disposed to foment divisions,
excite jealousies, and disunite the people from their government,
have had an opportunity of incessantly attacking the minds of the citizens
with the grossest misrepresentations.
Evils of great magnitude
have already originated from the source of mischief.
Objects have been presented to the public,
under every possible circumstance of distortion,
and suspicions excited which were entirely groundless.
It is an outrage upon common sense to pretend,
that there has been any adequate cause
for the clamors and opposition
which have embarrassed the measures of the late administration.
Could the citizens of the United States
have an impartial view of their proceedings,
it is to be presumed, that ninety-nine hundredths
of the virtuous, enlightened part of the community,
would cordially approve of what,
by the influence of misrepresentation,
many are now led to reprobate.
An effectual remedy for the abuses of the press
has not yet been discovered,
and perhaps, in a free government,
no other remedy can be consistently resorted to,
than the virtue and good sense of the citizens;
and this, we have reason to fear, will be but feeble indeed.
The present state of the public mind is evidently
calculated to increase, rather than diminish the evil.
If, my countrymen, you will calmly and dispassionately inquire after truth,
means of information are not wanting.
If you give no encouragement
to the numerous productions of the day,
which are plainly dictated by a desire,
not to inform your judgments, but to inflame your passions,
they will cease;
but while your minds are open to scurrililty, calumnies, and falsehoods,
they will abound.
A spirit of party has given currency
to many publications, from different quarters,
which ought never to have seen the light.
Truth is more injured than assisted, by an alliance with passion.
Important truths are not, indeed, to be suppressed,
because they may irritate the enemies of truth;
but groundless aspersions, and needless provocations,
should meet your pointed disapprobation,
if the salvation of your country is dearer
than the support of a party.
It is not the design of these observations
to dissuade you from an attention to public affairs.
Your country needs, and has a right to demand, your vigorous efforts.
It adds an additional shade to the darkness of the present day,
that, where the stimulus of party spirit does not operate,
there is such a degree of torpor and inattention to a subject
in which the happiness of millions is involved.
A neglect of public interest
must be viewed as criminal in any state of society,
but more especially where the people
claim to be the sources of honor and authority.
But let your exertions be given to your country,
not to a party;
and being convinced that religion, morals, order,
and a government of laws,
are the pillars of your national prosperity and peace,
let these have your firm and vigorous support.
6th.
Renounce the Anti-Christian and irrational practice
of "speaking evil of dignities."
"Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of the people,"
is one of those divine precepts
which commends itself to every man's conscience
by its evident propriety,
and demands our attention
as of prime importance to the order of society.
It is an evil to which free governments are peculiarly exposed;
and a strong propensity in human nature to this evil,
has given an advantage to the disorganizers of the present day,
which they have not neglected.
The impracticability of supporting the authority of the laws,
and the energy of government,
when the executors of those laws,
and the officers of that government,
are objects of constant scurrility and abuse,
must be obvious to every person of the least reflection.
The experience we have had of this spirit among ourselves,
is surely sufficient to satisfy us of its pernicious tendency;
and under a change of administration,
it is painful to see many indulging the same spirit
which they have so justly reprobated in others.
In the person, constitutionally invested with authority,
we are to contemplate, not the individual
whose election we once opposed,
however reasonable and well founded that opposition may have been,
but the magistrate, in supporting whom, on constitutional ground,
we support the government of which he is the head.
Even when the public good requires, as doubtless it may require,
that the character and conduct of public officers should be exposed,
a solemn decency, and not a bitter and licentious spirit,
still less a spirit of falsehood,
ought to mark the transaction.
Nor will the censurable parts of their conduct
justify our withholding aid, countenance, and support
in the due execution of their office.
7th.
Seriously reflect upon the nature and tendency of secret societies.
Weishaupt himself proposes the question,
"Have you any idea of the power of secret societies?"
It is obvious, at first view,
that they are not friendly
to that harmony and cordial union
which are so desirable in every society.
Should some of the children in a family
form themselves into a secret club,
exclude their brethren from their private meetings and confidence,
and be often whispering their secrets,
it is easy to foresee that an undue partiality
among the confederated brethren,
and jealousy, distrust, and alienation of affection on the other part,
would be the natural consequences.
The effects will be similar, and equally certain,
though they may be less visible, in larger societies.
From the notorious tendency of such combinations,
many weighty and interesting objections were made
to the establishment of the order of the Cincinnati;
but the development of the mysteries of Illuminism,
has given an additional weight to these arguments,
and placed, in a glaring light,
the dangerous tendency of exclusive confederacies.
I am not insensible that these remarks
criminate, in a degree, the order of Masonry.
The respect I feel for many gentlemen of this order,
among my acquaintance, who, I doubt not,
entered the society with pure intentions,
and yet remain free from this contamination;
and my belief of the uncorruptness of the New England lodges in general,
have made it, to me, an ungrateful task
to relate the dark designs to which their order,
after so long preserving its lustre, has been subjected.
I can assure them that views,
to which every private consideration must yield,
have been my sole inducement to undertake this duty.
This, in the minds of those of the order
whose approbation is most to be valued,
I doubt not will appear a sufficient apology.
To these candid Masons I hesitate not to say,
that to me, a suspension at least, of masonic operations,
appears to be a measure,
which the safety of society, in its present state, recommends;
and it is difficult to conceive how any person,
who admits the truth of the foregoing statements,
can dissent from this idea.
It is the sentiment of many respectable Masons;
and several lodges in Germany
have actually closed their proceedings, on this principle.
It is with pleasure I transcribe an extract
from a masonic oration on such an occasion,
hoping, that the example and the sentiments,
will have their due influence.
"Brethren and Companions,
give free vent to your sorrow;
the days of innocent equality are gone by.
However holy our mysteries may have been,
the lodges are now profaned and sullied.
Brethren, and companions, let your tears flow;
attired in your mourning robes attend,
and let us seal up the gates of our temples,
for the profane have found means of penetrating into them.
They have converted them into retreats for their impiety,
into dens of conspirators.
Within the sacred walls they have planned their horrid deeds,
and the ruin of nations.
Let us weep over our legions which they have seduced.
Lodges that may serve as hiding places for these conspirators
must remain forever shut,
both to us and every good citizen." *
* Barruel's Memoirs, Vol. IV. p. 63.
He who thus sacrifices his amusements and pleasures
to the interests of society,
acquires a dignity beyond
what the highest honors of Masonry can confer.
8th.
Cheerfully submit to the restraints
which the rules of religion and the good order of society require.
There are principles in the human heart
which unwillingly endure control,
and on these principles
the disorganizers of the day place their chief dependence.
They artfully endeavor to inflame the passions,
to awaken a desire of forbidden objects and gratification,
and then exhibit the restraints of religion and government,
as tyrannically opposing enjoyment.
This is the true import of liberty and equality,
as the words are used by modern imposters.
The abuse to which these terms are liable is obvious;
for, when once unlawful passions are excited,
it becomes an easy task to persuade men
that whatever checks those inclinations,
is an abridgment of their natural liberty;
and when, in this way, a popular torrent is formed,
in vain religion, order, justice, or humanity oppose their restraints.
Liberty is a vague term,
nor do these men wish to define it;
they wish to have men feel that they are injured
by whatever opposes their inclinations,
and when they have instilled into them this sentiment of sedition,
it is easy to render men hostile to all the restraints
which religion and social order impose.
This is the liberty which Illuminism has actively propagated.
Modern philosophers have discovered,
that the laws of modesty impose an unjust restraint
on the freedom of the fair sex;
that the subjection which children are required to yield to their parents,
is an unreasonable usurpation;
and the law which obliges married people to live together,
after their affections for each other are alienated, is tyrannical.
But you, my countrymen,
do not wish for this kind of liberty.
The glory of your constitution is,
that it preserves the citizens
in the free enjoyment of their natural rights,
under the protection of equal laws and impartial justice.
You wish to have your lives, property, and privileges,
both civil and religious,
preserved to you:
Guard then those of your neighbors;
for know, that the moment the enclosures
which protect their rights are broken down,
yours are no longer secure.
Whatever weakens the force of moral and religious obligations;
whatever lessens the restraints, already sufficiently weak,
which the laws impose on the unruly passions off men,
proportionable exposes the lives, liberties, and property
of the quiet part of he community
to the depredations of the lawless.
One of the most surprising effects
attending the disorganizing principles of the day,
is, that men of property should be induced
to give support to a system which destroys the barriers
by which property is protected.
That some few, who wish to acquire influence,
and mount into places of honor and trust,
should adopt these violent means to "burst open the doors"
leading to the emoluments of office,
is not, indeed, strange;
but the quiet, unambitious citizen,
whose utmosts wish is to preserve the fruit of his labor and exertion,
must be completely duped not to perceive,
that he exposes to the greatest hazard
what he is principally desirous to preserve.
Pleased with the idea of saving a few shillings,
necessary for the defence of his property,
he exposes the whole.
In the same absurd manner do they reason,
who conceive
that the perfection of liberty
consists in unbounded indulgence.
Extremes are said to meet and produce similar effects.
This maxim applies to the present case.
When people grow weary
of subjecting their passions to necessary restraints,
a state of disorder and faction ensures.
Some popular leader, improving his ascendency
over the divided, distracted multitude, erects a despotism;
and, flattering their passions,
he at length establishes his authority on a furer basis.
Read this truth in the history of ancient Greece and Rome.
See it verified in modern France.
Advancing, in their own opinion,
to the very pinnacle of liberty and equality,
we see them suddenly reduced
to a state of complete vasssalage.
The discerning part of the nation were not deceived,
but weary of a liberty which left no security to their lives or property,
they acquiesced in the usurpation of the Chief Consul:
This is the natural and unavoidable consequence
of licentious indulgences.
Hearken not then, my countrymen,
to those, who endeavor to render you dissatisfied
with the restraints of religion,
or the expenses necessary for the maintenance of useful institutions,
and the support of good government.
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